post-industrialism

Contemporary society has increased in its complexity over the past three and a half decades. The labour market as we know it differs rather immensely from what was experienced at the turn of the century. Labour has evolved so dramatically that some prefer to say that we have entered a new age, that of post-industrialism. Whether or not this is the case, there is much to be observed and examined as to how our sophisticated society induces and influences social exclusion amongst members of our community. Daniel Bell, the proponent of post-industrialism hints at a strong version of understanding social exclusion. Bell’s theory supposes that the structure of a post-industrial society is responsible for intensifying issues surrounding social exclusion. His theory in relation to the changes witnessed in western society and their influence on social exclusion are discussed initially. Subsequently, social exclusion is engaged in more detail. Other factors contributing to the exclusion of individuals are examined and compared to the theories posed by Daniel Bell and Ulrich Beck. Finally, Beck’s theory of a risk society is analysed as a vital counterargument. Beck’s notion of a risk society is viewed as analogous to post-industrialism. However, the divergence becomes apparent as Beck’s theory attempts to define social exclusion through a weak version, whereby exclusion is recognized as a product of individualisation, or the action of individuals upon themselves.

Since the late 1960s, western society has experienced a major shift in industrial society. According to Daniel Bell (1974), this shift away from classical industrialism is so distinct that it is safe to be termed as post-industrialism. The key change from industrial society to post-industrial society is marked by the gravitation away from the manufacturing industry and into the service sector. Fordism captured the conceptual essence of the manufacturing industry with Henry Ford’s automobile assembly line. Workers within this industry were semi-skilled, trained for the specific job at hand and possessed little transferable proficiency. At the heart of the Fordist industry was the notion of mass production of standardized goods along with the mass consumption of such products (Kumar 1995). The majority of the population occupying these jobs and, at the same token, consuming these products were grouped as the working class. The standardisation of both production and consumption created a sense of solidarity within society, whereby citizens participating in equal forms of labour allow for equality within other spheres of life (e.g. education, income and housing). Post-Fordism conversely entails a move away from the traditional production techniques and industries. With the development of sophisticated technology in western societies, much of the monotonous and routine labour of Fordist production has become obsolete. The outsourcing of manual labour and manufacturing to less developed countries is particularly accepted for many capitalist corporations looking to cut on production costs. Globalization has become another issue at hand, with technological advancements increasing rapidly allowing for world trade, communication and knowledge to expand (Kumar 1995). This has lead to a dramatic decrease in blue collar semi-skilled jobs within western societies, while on the other hand increasing the demand for white collar service sector jobs. Jobs such as these require specialized training and education for well developed skills. Bell claims that ‘in the United States, by 1956, the number of white-collar workers, for the first time in the history of industrial civilization, outnumbered the blue collar-workers in the occupational structure’ and that ‘jobs that usually require some college education [were] at a rate twice that of the average’ (1974: 17).
Subsequently, the increase in the non-standardization of labour in turn creates a market for specialized goods and services. This specialization, known as a niche market, proves to be ever expanding. Those after distinctive products and services constantly pave the way for novel industries. While post-Fordism depicts the shift in the process and type of production, post-industrialism concerns the changes in society as a whole due to this shift in industry. Industrial society is generally marked by the instalment of Fordist production techniques and agricultural productivity. Bell (1974) insists that the outsourcing of agricultural and manufacturing production is a vital aspect of post-industrial society. It is the removal of the production of goods, which enables society to focus on other facets, such as services, technology and knowledge. Bell asserts that there is an ‘expansion of new intelligentsia’ in post-industrial societies represented by the increase of occupations ‘in the universities, research organizations, professions and government’ (1974: 15). Accordingly he asserts that the existence of theoretical knowledge is the principle axial of post-industrial society and thus believes that it precedes the production of technology. Bell takes this notion a step further by arguing that theoretical knowledge becomes a tool in which society is able to plan technological developments by creating systems of mapping and forecasting. Therefore a rational society is enabled with a degree of control over its future. The current issue posed is that this shift to a post-industrial society is a major factor inevitably engendering and increasing rates of social exclusion.

Social exclusion is widely debated as the result of a shift into a post-industrial society. There is much evidence to prove that this may be the case. Social exclusion can be defined as those citizens within a society either voluntarily of involuntarily excluded from collective social action. This generally refers to those who are not involved or denied participation in legal paid employment, those unable or unwilling to vote, those without access to education, training, decent housing, and other critical factors which shape social life (Barry 2002). According to Bell’s (1974) analysis of a post-industrial society, service sector jobs have replaced the manufacturing and semi-skilled labour industry. This here can be directly influential on those whom for generations and due to their physical location rely heavily on industrial labour such as mining, manufacturing, farming and the like. The impact of the outsourcing of these industries greatly affects such individuals. This shift to service and knowledge based jobs had thus placed a great emphasis on education and formal training, which to many is unattainable. Campbell (2000) attributes these structural changes in the labour market directly to the increase in social exclusion by claiming that the demand for labour does not match the skills of those in demand for employment. The rate of unemployment for semi and unskilled labourers is ‘four times that for professional/managerial workers and is increasing’ (OECD 1994 cited in Campbell 2000: 25). The issue of globalisation within society has posed another issue in contributing to social exclusion. The ‘knowledge economy’ has taken force as technology advances more rapidly than people can keep up with, a disparity between skills available and the labour market has consequently developed (Campbell 2000). This issue has a major impact on concentrated locales and groups of individuals within society. Thus those living in deprived areas are less likely to obtain suitable training or education required for the new market (Buck et al 2002). This exclusion leads to unequal opportunity for individuals based on income, locale and qualifications (Barry 2002). A concern evolves from this as social exclusion can be observed as generational. Those growing up in areas and communities deprived of decent schooling and income find themselves faced with the same issues experienced by their elders and due to this, a recurring cycle evolves. Barry (2002: 20) states that it is the ‘depress[ed] scholastic motivation’ among the adults which ‘contributes to poor educational outcomes that condemn the next generation to extremely limited job opportunities in their turn’ producing a lack of stable and adequate income. Unfortunately, it is the issue of monetary funds which continues the cycle of social exclusion. Equal opportunity is subsequently diminished due to those without financial means. Barry (2002) exemplifies this exclusion by stating that the excluded are restricted from a fair legal trial, which is agreed upon as a universal civil liberty, due to the inability to afford specialised representation. Political participation is also impeded upon for those experiencing exclusion due to status and income. Alas such liberties and opportunities which should ideally be equal to all law abiding citizens seem to ebb due to one’s position, or lack thereof, in the labour market.
George Ritzer (1999 cited in Ritzer & Goodman 2004) proposes another theory which thus contributes to social exclusion in modernity. Drawing upon research and observations from the United States, Ritzer believes that we have shifted from a society based around production to a society based on consumption, this he terms ‘the new means of consumption’. This is readily apparent by the myriad of industries geared towards consumption (e.g. shopping malls, superstores, discounters, fast-food joints, cyber-shops, hotels, theme-parks, holiday packages etc). Production in contemporary western societies has lost its vitality and has been replaced by a consumerist culture (Ritzer & Goodman 2004). This illustrates how those on the margins of society, due to income level, will have difficulty in keeping up with this insatiable hunger for consumption which shall inevitably yield further exclusion among members of society. However, social exclusion cannot be fully summed as a result of a post-industrial society; instead one must further examine other issues which contribute to the exclusion of particular groups and individuals within contemporary society.

In the previous section, social exclusion was described as the alienation from civil liberties due to the lack of education, training, sufficient income, decent housing and desolate areas. However, social exclusion has been exhibited based on the actual attributes of an individual, generally such characteristics are intrinsic to the person and thus the exclusion takes on another form. Those discriminated upon by their gender, age, sexuality, ethic group and disability are much more likely to find themselves in unemployment. This presents another issue, because of the many screening mechanisms which label the unemployed as less able to perform the work than those in recent employment (Campbell 2000). Much controversy has been observed in the past thirty-odd years addressing inequalities between men and women. Yet even in our modern day discrimination towards women and denying them equality with men is still in existence especially in areas such as education and work (Abbott 2006). As it has been mentioned before, education and training is vital for an individual to obtain a decent job with adequate pay. Interestingly enough, girls have been recently observed to outperform boys in standardised exams. 26 per cent of boys were found to have gained five or more GCSEs grade A-C in 1983 and 47.9 per cent by 2003/03, whereas 27 per cent of girls achieved the same standing in 1983 but by 2002/03 improved to 58.2 per cent (ONS 2004 cited by Abbott 2006). This accomplishment has been observed in the large quantities of women enrolling at and completing undergraduate programs outnumbering men. However, exclusion of women in the labour market is still apparent. The ‘glass ceiling’ hinders the upward mobility of women into positions generally occupied by men and the ‘glass wall’ excludes women from so-called ‘male’ labour domains (Abbott 2006). Divisions amongst women such as ethnicity, class and age are also crucial factors of exclusion.
Since the rates of immigration have exploded in recent years, ethnic diversity is commonplace and on this note has become a clear source of social division. Social exclusion for those of ethnic background can be observed by the staggering rates of unemployment. The ONS (2001/02 cited by Mason 2006) found that Bangladeshis had the highest rate of unemployment, women at about 24 per cent and men at 20 per cent. This is four times that of unemployed white British or white Irish men, at about 5 per cent. Pakistani and black African males were at 15 per cent unemployment, with black Caribbean males at 13 per cent. Interestingly, for those of minority groups, these rates further increase when evaluating those unemployed under the age of 25; 40 per cent for young Bangladeshis, 20 per cent for young Africans, Pakistanis, Carribbeans, and those belonging to mixed ethnicities in comparison to the 12 per cent of unemployment found among the young white British (Mason 2006).
Thus age as a social division affects both those at the lower end of the scale and those at the other end, 65+. Adolescents and children are constantly excluded from the rights of adult citizenship and thus consistently find themselves dependent on adults (Jackson & Scott 2006). According to Jackson & Scott (2006), childhood is a social construct predominantly observed in western society. Age is reified and exploited as an indication of maturation, intelligence and aptitude. Children are viewed as callow and consequently this belief excludes them from civil rights such as employment and voting. Both these cases in point stamp a number onto the eligibility to engage rather than judging the actual capacity of the individual. Thus society maintains that children are ‘incapable of doing what, in fact, they are not permitted to do’ (Thorne 1987 cited by Jackson & Scott 2006: 220). The elderly are subject to similar exclusion predominantly amidst the labour market. Exclusion towards the aged is again based on the notion that they are inept in performing what is necessary of them, due to physical and mental deterioration.
Lastly, a focus on disability as a source of social exclusion is crucial to be examined as it has been overlooked and ignored only up until recently. According to Campbell (2000) 5 million people in the United Kingdom of working age are disabled and are half as likely to be employed as those without a disability; with 40 per cent of the unemployed disabled individuals on long-term unemployment. It is those on long-term unemployment who face the greatest issues of social exclusion due to the increasing difficulty of finding suitable employment following an extended duration away from the labour market as well as the lack of a stable and sufficient income which allows for the sustenance of day-to-day life and inclusionary activities. The disabled represent a different form of social exclusion due to the fact that such individuals are restricted upon engaging in ‘mainstream taken-for-granted activities’ generally due to physical handicap (Hyde 2006). The issue here is that these common everyday activities are constructed around able-bodied individuals without taking into consideration those who require the use of a wheel-chair or those who have lost their sight. Thus again disability can be regarded as a social construct where those with disabilities are unable to function and engage within the society that does not take into consideration their needs (Hyde 2006). Consequently, society is observed to constantly alienate certain groups and individuals due to features which are nonetheless inherent, regardless of industrial or post-industrial characteristics of society. This point is certainly agreed upon by Ulrich Beck, who poses a rather differing view of modernity and exclusion than does Bell. It is Beck and his risk society to which we now turn.

Beck is keen to admit that we indeed do not live in an industrial society. However, he is also quite adamant about the fact that we have not yet progressed into a post-modern epoch. Industrial society is correlated with the age of ‘classical’ modernity, whereas in the ‘new’ modernity increasing technological advances thrust us into the risk society (Clark 1997 cited by Ritzer & Goodman 2004). Thus to Beck we inhabit a mature form of the industrial society which is ‘developing away from the axes of lifestyle in industrial society – social classes, nuclear family, sex roles, and career’ (1992: 134). Beck claims that within our modern era we have been able to escape such prescriptions of exclusion and instead have agency with the means to develop and plan our own lives, thus individualization occurs. Individuals are continuously writing their own histories by choosing their education, career, social relationships and networks. Subsequently individuals are endowed with a reflexive ability in which control over one’s life is enabled, this Beck terms reflective modernization. Beck argues that,

The reflexive conduct of life, the planning of one’s own biography and social relations, gives rise to a new inequality, the inequality of dealing with insecurity and reflexivity… New sources for the formation of social bonds and for the development of conflicts arise. They lie first in ascribed differences and inequalities of race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, age and so on... Thus new social lifestyles and group identities inside persistent social inequalities emerge. (1992: 98-99)

Interestingly, the concept of individualization brings with it a major contradiction. Individualization within a society engenders increasing dependency amongst its individuals, on education, technology, consumption, labour market, the welfare state, medical and psychological care, counselling, etc (Beck 1992). Thus this form of society develops into a risk society, whereby such dependence shall inevitably pose health and financial risks especially to the social excluded, who may not have the education, knowledge or funds to fall back on.

Social exclusion is a very significant issue in modern society. Those who are unable to participate or are denied access to what are deemed basic civil liberties such as: education, housing, employment, voting etc., will consistently find themselves without a voice in the community in which they inhabit. Much of the exclusion experienced by individuals is due to the lack of income, employment or education which according to Bell is a direct consequence of post-industrialism. Yet one must question though, do we indeed occupy a post-industrial society? And though it has been examined that social exclusion has its roots in the discrimination of age, gender, disability and ethnicity; such exclusion restricts from a decent foot in the labour market. Thus it is important to recognize that the issues surrounding exclusion always revert back to one’s position in the market. In regards to Beck’s risk society model, much truth can be found that we are in a developed state of industrialization. His theory does also holds relevance in that we do live in an increasingly individualistic society whereby people are able to make choices based on what they desire for their future. However, with society developing at a rather exponential rate, the standard of living will progress accordingly, thus social exclusion surely will rise due to the inability of people to keep up with the requirements of a progressive society, be it a post-industrial society or a risk society.

References:
Abbott, P., 2006. Gender. In G. Payne, ed. Social Divisions. 2nd ed. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Ch. 3.

Barry, B., 2002. Exclusion, Isolation and Income. In J. Hills, J. Le Grand & D. Piachaud, eds. Understanding Social Exclusion. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ch. 2

Beck, U., 1992. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage

Bell, D., 1974. The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting. London: Heinemann.

Buck, N., Gordon, I., Hall, P., Harloe, M., & Kleinman, M., 2002. Working Capital: Life and Labour in Contemporary London. London: Routledge.

Campbell, M., 2000. Labour Market Exclusion and Inclusion. In J. Percy-Smith, ed. Policy Responses to Social Exclusion. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Ch. 2.

Hyde, M., 2006. Disability. In G. Payne, ed. Social Divisions. 2nd ed. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Ch. 11.

Jackson, S. & Scott, S., 2006. Childhood. In G. Payne, ed. Social Divisions. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Ch. 9.

Kumar, K., 1995. From Post-Industrial to Post-Modern Society: New Theories of the Contemporary World. Oxford: Blackwell.

Mason, D., 2006. Ethnicity. In G. Payne, ed. Social Divisions. 2nd ed. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Ch. 4.

Ritzer, G. & Goodman, D.J., 2004. Modern Sociological Theory. 6th ed. New York: McGraw Hill.